鐵幕演說（Iron Curtain Speech）是1946年3月5日英國前首相溫斯頓·丘吉爾（Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill）在美國富爾頓城威斯敏斯特學院發表的一場名為“和平砥柱”的演講，運用“鐵幕”一詞之意攻擊蘇聯和東歐社會主義國家“用鐵幕籠罩起來”，旨在聯合美國與其他說英語的國家共同反對蘇聯和共產主義。
第二次世界大戰結束后，美蘇的實力不斷崛起，加之戰后美蘇等國家的意識形態和制度的不同，美蘇在歐洲形成了對峙的局面，丘吉爾認為美國始終是維護資本主義國家利益的，便于1946年1月16日應美國總統哈里·S·杜魯門（Harry S. Truman）的邀請訪美，1946年3月5日在杜魯門的陪同下于威斯敏斯特學院發表了“鐵幕演說”，他認為美國當時處于世界權力的巔峰，應該聯合英國以及其他說英語的國家共同反對蘇聯和共產主義的擴張。而時任蘇聯領導人的約瑟夫·維薩里奧諾維奇·斯大林（俄語：Иосиф Виссарионович Сталин，英語：Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin）則表明溫斯頓·丘吉爾的這次演講是在制造戰爭。
丘吉爾這次“鐵幕演說”是第二次世界大戰之后西方政界一位最具身份的人對蘇聯進行最公開、最大膽的指責，宣傳反蘇反共，拉開了“美蘇冷戰”(Cold War)的序幕，而“鐵幕”一詞也成為了戰后國際關系中有關東西方對抗的專有名詞。在“鐵幕演說”后一年，1947年3月12日美國提出了杜魯門主義，標志著以美國為主的資本主義陣營與蘇聯為主的社會主義陣營之間的冷戰正式開始，因此丘吉爾的這篇演說也被世人認為是“冷戰宣言”。
歷史背景
美蘇對峙
第二次世界大戰以法西斯主義失敗收場，蘇、美、英等盟國之間因彼此間利益的沖突而加劇的緊張局勢，暗示了全球范圍內另一場戰爭的可能性。第二次世界大戰結束后，世界形勢和各國之間的力量對比發生了深刻的變化。蘇聯紅軍的國際聲望空前提高，戰后社會主義陣營的形成和亞非拉革命浪潮高漲，使蘇聯獲得從未有過的世界地位，成為政治、軍事大國。這在美國看來，蘇聯地位的上漲已經阻礙了他全球擴張的道路，于是美蘇在世界最重要的戰略地區歐洲，形成了對峙局面。
丘吉爾訪美
溫斯頓·丘吉爾領導英國人民取得反法西斯戰爭的勝利，但是世界格局的變化讓他擔憂，美蘇在不斷崛起，而英國卻在衰落，他曾表示“蘇俄已成為自由世界的致命威脅”，他認為美國始終是維護資本主義國家利益的，1945年7月，丘吉爾在英國大選中落敗便離任了，這時美國又決心與蘇聯展開較量，便讓丘吉爾打頭陣，邀請丘吉爾訪美，最終在1946年1月16日，丘吉爾應美國總統哈里·S·杜魯門（威斯敏斯特學院為杜魯門母校）的邀請訪美，期間丘吉爾多次發表談話，推動英美聯合、恢復世界均衡，并要求美國長期駐軍歐洲，抗衡蘇聯，并且同杜魯門、國務卿貝爾納斯多次會晤，其間，他于3月5日在密蘇里州富爾頓的威斯敏斯特學院發表了“鐵幕演說”。
演說內容
主旨內容
1946年1月丘吉爾訪美，同年3月5日在時任美國總統杜魯門陪同下于密蘇里州富爾頓的威斯敏斯特學院發表“和平砥柱”（The Sinews of Peace）演講。丘吉爾在這次演講中，針對美蘇之間的緊張局勢，發表了他的看法，他認為新的戰爭和暴政正在威脅著世界，而根源就是蘇聯和國際共產主義運動。同時丘吉爾宣稱“從波羅的海的什切青到亞得里亞海邊的的里雅斯特，一幅橫貫歐洲大陸的鐵幕已經降落下來了”，鐵幕之后的中、東歐的一些古老城市受到了蘇聯的“高壓控制”，比如華沙、柏林、布達佩斯、布拉格、維也納、貝爾格萊德、布加勒斯特特等。同時在這張鐵幕外面，共產黨的“第五縱隊”也遍布各國。而且對蘇聯的“權力和主義”無限擴張的情況，不能采取“綏靖政策”。溫斯頓·丘吉爾提出美國當時處于世界權力的巔峰，美國要認清蘇聯對所謂的“自由世界”已經構成了軍事威脅，美國應當擔負起對未來的責任，丘吉爾主張英美要建立反共軍事聯盟，并提議軍事上要保持密切的聯系，共同研究潛在的危險，用實力反對蘇聯，同時他還呼吁那些說英語的國家一起聯合起來遏制以蘇聯為首的共產主義的擴展。
演說內容節選
核心原文節選
The United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of duty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-時間 It is necessary that constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall guide and rule the conduct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
When American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept." There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe today? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up in the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded from the two giant marauders, war and tyranny. We all know the frightful disturbances in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilised society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them all is distorted, all is broken, even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualise what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain." Our Supreme task and duty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step-namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organisation has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war, UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the 固體 assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon the rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars-though not, alas, in the interval between them-I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organisation must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to delegate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organisation. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniform of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organisation. This might be started on a modest scale and would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the First World War, and I devoutly trust it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless be wrong and imprudent to Entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, Great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organisation, while it is still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one in any country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are at present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and if some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolised for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess So formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organisation with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these 功率s would naturally be confided to that world organisation.
Now I come to the second danger of these two marauders which threatens the cottage, the home, and the ordinary people-namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by individual citizens throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. But we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind Let us preach what we practise - let us practise what we preach.
I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the homes of the people: War and Tyranny. I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and co-operation can bring in the next few years to the world, certainly in the next few decades newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience. Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learned fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran. "There is enough for all. The 地球 is a generous 母親; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and in peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursuing the method of realising our overall strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have travelled here to Say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organisation will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States. This is no time for generalities, and I will venture to be precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred Systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relationship between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire Forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
The United States has already a Permanent Defence Agreement with the Do-minion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and empire This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have often been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to work together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come-I feel eventually there will come-the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organisation? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organisation will achieve its full stature and strength There are already the special United States relations with Canada which I have just mentioned, and there are the special relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years Treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since 1384, and which produced fruitful results at critical moments in the late war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organisation; on the contrary they help 信息技術 "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbour no 設計 incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are inter-mingled, and if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"-to quote some good words I read here the other day-why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why cannot they share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we shall all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third 時間 in a school of war, incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; 時間 may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to 漂移 along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind I have described, with all the extra strength and 證券 which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilising the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately lighted by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organisation intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytising tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshal Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain-and I doubt not here also-towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my duty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you, to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. 華沙, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, 布加勒斯特 and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in many cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone-Greece with its immortal glories-is free to decide its future at an 選舉 under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
核心原文譯本
美國此刻正高踞于世界強國之巔。對美國民主來說，這是一個莊嚴的時刻。因為作為世界第一強國，必然對未來負有令人敬畏的責任。環顧四周，你們不但覺得已經盡了應盡的責任，而且會感到憂慮,恐怕自己達不到往日的成就。對我們兩個國家來說,機會就在眼前,清清楚楚,閃閃發光。拒絕機會、或忽視機會、或浪費這個機會，我們都將受到后世長久的責備。思想的堅定不移、目的的持之以恒和決策的英明神武，在和平年代像在戰爭時期一樣，都應該指導和規范英語民族的行為。我們必須證明我們能夠達到這一嚴峻的要求，我相信我們能夠做到這一點。
美國軍人在著手處理嚴峻的局勢時，習慣于在他們的指令開頭寫上“總體戰略構想”的字眼。這種做法是明智的,因為這能使人思路清晰。那么，我們今天應當題寫的總體戰略構想是什么呢。就是在所有土地上的所有男女、所有家園和家庭的安全和幸福、自由和進步。這里我尤其要說的是,在無數的小屋和公寓里,工薪階層在人生的種種不測和困境中苦苦掙扎,養家糊口，使自己的妻子兒女不挨餓受凍，他們心中懷有對上帝的敬畏，懷有經常起到強大作用的道德觀念。
要給這些不計其數的家庭以安全,必須保護他們，為他們防范兩大掠奪者--戰爭和暴政。眾所周知，當戰爭的禍害降臨到養家糊口的人以及他們為之辛勞和奔波的人身上時，普通家庭將陷人可怕的風雨飄搖之中。歐洲昔日榮耀的不復存在，亞洲大部分地區的滿目瘡痍[yí]，仍然歷歷在目。當惡人的陰謀詭計或強國的侵略欲望在大片的土地上摧毀了文明社會的框架，平民百姓將遭遇他們無法應對的困難。對他們而言，一切都扭曲了，一切都破碎了，甚至被碾得稀巴爛。
在這個平靜的下午，我站在這里，設想到此刻數百萬人正在經歷的苦難，設想到當饑荒肆虐地球時將要發生的一切,我不禁不寒而栗。沒有誰能夠計算出所謂“不可估量的人生痛苦”。我們的最高任務和職責就是保衛平民百姓的家園,使他們遠離另一場戰爭的恐怖和苦難。我們都同意這一點。
我們的美國軍隊同事們，在宣告了他們的“總體戰略構想”并估算了可利用的資源之后，總是進入下一步——具體實施方案。在這個層面，國際社會同樣會取得廣泛的一致意見。一個世界性的組織已經建立起來了,其首要目標就是防止戰爭。聯合國組織接替了國聯,并且有美國的決定性加入，已經開始運作了。我們一定要確保它的工作是富有成效的,確保它成為一個實體而不是一個擺設，確保它成為行動的力量而不是語言的泡沫,確保它是一座真正的和平圣殿而不是巴別塔里的斗雞場,在這里,許多國家有朝一日都將鑄劍為犁。在我們拋棄用于自我防御的國家軍備這一可靠保證之前，我們必須確定我們的圣殿已經建在了巖石上，而不是建在流沙或者沼澤地上。有目共睹，我們的道路將會艱辛而漫長,但是如果我們一起堅持不懈，就如我們在兩次世界大戰中所做的那樣--唉，不能再像兩次大戰之間那樣了--那么我毫不懷疑最終我們一定會實現我們的共同目標。
然而,我有一個明確而實際的行動建議要提出來。法庭和法官或許已經有了，但若沒有法警和警察協助，這些機構就無法真正運作。聯合國組織必須立即著手組建國際武裝力量。在這個問題上,我們只能按部就班,循序漸進，但我們必須現在就開始著手。我建議，應邀請各主要國家抽調若干空軍中隊為這個世界性組織服役。這些中隊將在本國進行訓練和準備，但將在各國之間輪流駐扎。他們將身著本國的軍服,但佩戴不同的徽章。可以不要求他們對自己的國家作戰,但在其他方面他們將接受世界性組織的調遣。這一做法可以從較小的規模開始實行，隨著我們信心的增長,其規模也將不斷擴大。我曾希望第一次世界大戰后就這樣做，我由衷地相信現在立即就可以這么做。
但是，如果把美國、英國和加拿大現在共同掌握的原子彈的秘密知識或經驗托付給這個仍處于初始階段的世界性組織,那將是錯誤和輕率的。如果任憑這種秘密知識在這個仍然動蕩不安和尚不團結的世界上隨意漂流，那就是瘋狂的犯罪行為。這種知識和對其加以運用的方法與原材料目前大部分掌握在美國人手里，沒有哪一個國家的哪一個人因此而睡不安穩。但是，如果情況顛倒過來，如果某個共產主義國家或某個新法西斯主義國家暫時壟斷了這些可怕的武器，那么我相信,我們都會睡不好覺了。單單是對它們的恐懼就可能輕易地被用于在自由的民主世界推行極權主義制度,其駭人的后果不堪設想。上帝沒有讓這一切發生，在危險尚未來臨時，我們至少還有一絲喘息的機會來做好防范;即使到了那個時候，只要我們全力以赴，我們仍然擁有如此強大的優勢可以進行有效的威懾，以有效阻止他國使用或威脅使用核武器。最終，當人們之間最基本的手足情誼真切地在一個世界性組織中得到體現和表達，并以所有必要的現實安全措施來使該組織具有效力的時候，這些強大的武器自然就會交托給那個世界性組織。
現在我要講講兩大掠奪者中威脅著小屋、家園和老百姓的第二個危險--即暴政。我們不能無視這樣的事實，美國全境與大英帝國各地公民享有的自由權利在相當多的國家里，其中一些還是十分強大的國家里,是不存在的。在這些國家里，各種各樣無所不包的警察政府對普通人民強加控制。獨裁者或緊密結合的寡頭統治集團通過一個享有特權的政黨和一批政治警察毫無節制地行使著國家的權力。現在，困難重重,我們沒有責任強行干涉那些我們在戰爭中不曾征服的國家的內部事務。但是，我們絕不能停止理直氣壯地宣揚自由和人權的偉大原則，這是英語世界的共同遺產，繼《大憲章》《權利法案》人身保護令、陪審團審訊制度以及英國普通法之后，它們又在美國的《獨立宣言》中得到舉世聞名的詮釋。
這一切意味著任何國家的人民都有權利并應該有權力,通過憲法程序、無拘束的自由選舉和秘密投票，來選擇或改變他們自己政府的性質或形式;意味著言論和思想自由應當占主導地位;意味著法院應當在獨立于行政權力、無任何政黨傾向的條件下執行已得到人民大眾廣泛認可的法律,或因時間和習俗而變得神圣的法律。這就是每一個平民家庭都應該擁有的自由契約。這就是英國和美國人民向全人類傳達的信息。讓我們宣揚我們所實踐的--讓我們實踐我們所宣揚的。
我已經談論了威脅人們家園的兩大危險:戰爭和暴政。但我還沒有說到貧困，在許多情況下，貧困是造成焦慮的最主要因素。但是，如果戰爭和暴政的危險消除了，毫無疑問,科學技術與國際合作將能讓世界——這個在戰爭磨礪中汲取教訓的世界——在未來幾年，尤其是未來幾十年里，實現人類歷史上前所未有的物質繁榮飛躍。目前，在這個令人傷心、令人窒息的時刻，我們仍陷在大戰遺留的饑餓與痛苦之中;但是，一切都會過去，或許很快就會過去，除了人類的愚蠢或非人的犯罪，沒有什么原因能夠阻擋所有的國家迎接和享受一個富足的時代。我經常引用我五十年前從一位偉大的愛爾蘭裔演說家、我的朋友伯克·科克蘭先生那里學到的一番話:“人人都能得到滿足。地球是一位慷慨的母親，只要她的孩子們能夠公正、和平地耕種她的土地，她就會為他們提供充裕的食物。”到目前為止，我覺得我們完全認同這一點。
盡管我們仍然需要繼續尋找實現總體戰略構想的方法,現在,我要講一講我此行要談的關鍵問題。不管是有效地防止戰爭,還是不斷提升世界性組織的地位，都離不開我稱之為英語民族兄弟般的聯合。這種聯合意味著英聯邦、大英帝國與美利堅合眾國之間建立的特殊關系。現在不是泛泛空談的時候,我要斗膽明確地談談。兄弟般的聯合不僅要求我們兩個龐大的、同宗同源的社會制度之間擁有日益增長的友誼和相互諒解，而且要求雙方軍事顧問繼續保持密切的聯系，以便共同研究潛在的危險，促成兩國武器、操作手冊的趨同,以及兩國軍事技術院校軍官和學員的互換交流。應該聯合使用兩國遍及世界各地的所有海軍、空軍基地,使現有的設施繼續用于共同安全的目的。這也許會使美國海軍和空軍的機動性變為原來的兩倍。這也將大大提高大英帝國軍隊的機動性。如果世界太平了，而世界也必將太平,這種聯合也會為我們帶來巨大的財政節約。我們已經在共同使用大量的島嶼了;在不久的將來，更多現有設施將交由我們雙方共同使用。
美國已經與忠實地附屬于英聯邦和大英帝國的加拿大自治領簽署了《永久防御協定》。這一協定比許多正式盟友間的協定更具有效力。這一完全互惠的原則應當在所有英聯邦國家進行推廣。因此，不論發生什么情況，只要有這樣的數據協定，我們就能保證自身的安全，就能共同努力，為高尚而樸素的事業而奮斗。我們的事業對于我們自己而言彌足珍貴而對他人毫無惡意。終有一日——我相信這必將實現——我們將迎來共同公民身份的原則。但是，我們或許很樂于將這一點交由命運定奪，我們中有許多人已經能夠清楚地看到命運伸展開來的手臂。
但是,我們必須問自己一個重要問題。美國與英聯邦之間的特殊關系會不會有悖于我們對世界性組織的忠誠呢。我的回答是，恰恰相反，這很可能是使這個世界性組織完善發展并充分發揮作用的唯一方法。我剛剛已經提到了美國和加拿大的特殊關系，正如美加特殊關系，美國和南美洲的共和國也有特殊的關系。我們英國與蘇聯簽有為期二十年的《合作與互助條約》（1942年簽訂的對德作戰盟約）。我同意英國外交大臣歐內斯特·貝文先生的看法，就我們而言，這個條約最好能維持五十年。我們追求的目標僅限于與蘇聯的互助協作。英國自1384年以來就與葡萄牙結為盟友，在剛剛過去的世界大戰的關鍵時刻，我們的同盟關系起到了至關重要的作用。這些協定與一個世界性協定或世界性組織的共同利益沒有任何沖突。“在我父的家里,有許多住處。”聯合國成員之間不針對別國有侵略意圖的、符合《聯合國憲章》的特殊關系不僅遠遠沒有害處,反而是有益的,而且我認為，還是必不可少的。
我剛才提到了和平圣殿。來自所有國家的工匠必須建造這座圣殿。如果其中有兩個工匠彼此特別熟悉,是老朋友，并且他們的家庭互相聯姻,如果他們“對彼此的目的充滿信任，對彼此的未來充滿希望，對彼此的缺點懷有寬容”——引用我有一天在這里看到的幾句話來說——他們為什么不能作為朋友和伙伴來為這個共同的任務而齊心協力呢，他們為什么不能分享彼此的工具,提高各自的工作效率呢。事實上，他們必須這樣做,否則,這座圣殿或許就無法建成，或許即使建成了，它也可能倒塌，這將再次證明我們所有人都是朽木不可雕，只能第三次從戰爭中汲取教訓,而這次戰爭的殘酷將會與我們剛剛脫離的戰爭不可同日而語,絕對有過之而無不及。黑暗時代將會回歸，石器時代將會插著熠[yì]熠生輝的科學之翼回歸，今天能為人類帶來無盡福祉的科學技術可能導致人類的最終毀滅。我要說,小心啊,時不我待。不要讓我們重蹈覆轍,任憑事情恣意發展,直到為時已晚。如果有我剛才描述的那種兄弟般的聯合,我們的國家都能從中獲得力量與安全，那么，就讓我們告訴全世界這個偉大的事實，兄弟般的聯合能夠有效地建設和鞏固和平的基石。這才是一條明智的道路。未雨綢繆勝于亡羊補牢。
陰影已經降落在不久前剛被盟軍的勝利所照亮的大地上。沒有人知道蘇聯及其共產主義國際組織打算在不久的將來干些什么，也沒有人知道它們擴張和發展從屬國的止境在哪里,如果還有止境的話。我十分欽佩和尊敬英勇的俄國人民和我的戰時伙伴約瑟夫·斯大林元帥。在英國——我毫不懷疑,在這里也一樣--人們對所有俄國人民懷有深切的同情和善意,決心不畏種種分歧和挫折,建立起持久的友誼。我們理解,俄羅斯需要消除德國侵略的一切可能性來確保它西部邊界的安全。我們歡迎俄國在世界大國中占有應得的位置。我們歡迎它的旗幟在海上飄揚。最為重要的是,我們歡迎俄國人民和大西洋兩岸的英美人民之間保持穩定、頻繁和日益增多的接觸。但是，我有責任把當前歐洲形勢的某些事實擺在你們面前，因為我相信你們也希望我告訴你們我所看到的事實。
從波羅的海的什切青到亞得里亞海的的里雅斯特，一幅橫貫歐洲大陸的鐵幕已經降落下來。蘇聯對“鐵幕”以東的中歐、東歐國家進行日益增強的高壓控制，這些國家的古老城市如華沙、柏林、布達佩斯、布拉格、維也納、貝爾格萊德、布加勒斯特等都受到了蘇聯的影響。在這條線的后面，坐落著古老的中歐和東歐國家的所有首都。華沙、柏林、布拉格、維也納、布達佩斯、貝爾格萊德、布加勒斯特和索菲亞，所有這些名城及其居民都位于我稱之為“蘇聯的勢力范圍”之內，不僅以各種形式屈服于蘇聯的影響，而且在很多情況下，還受到莫斯科日益增強的高壓控制。只有雅典——有著不朽光榮傳統的希臘--得以通過英國、美國和法國監督的選舉,自由地決定它的未來。受俄國支配的波蘭政府被慫恿[yǒng]非法侵占了德國大片領土，令人難以想象的大肆驅逐數百萬德國人的人間慘劇正在上演。在所有這些東歐國家,原本人數不多的共產黨已經上升到同其黨員數量遠不相稱的主導地位，并正在到處爭取極權主義控制。幾乎到處都是警察政府占了上風。到目前為止，除了捷克斯洛伐克,無一存在真正的民主制度。
演說后續
溫斯頓·丘吉爾的這次演說引起了世界的震驚，蘇聯方面反應強烈，斯大林說，丘吉爾“現在采取了戰爭販子的立場”；美國朝野也受到強烈震撼，杜魯門很高興。但在美國國會中出現了若干激烈的敵對言論，認為丘吉爾是想把美國引向“最恐怖的戰爭”，讓英國漁翁得利。1946年3月6日世界各大報紙的頭條新聞都是有關丘吉爾鐵幕演說的報道，比如《紐約時報》說“英美兩國為同一命運所支配，應同情和支持丘吉爾的建議”。《芝加哥太陽報》報道“緊隨著這位偉大而盲目的貴族所高舉的大旗，就會使我們投入這個世界最恐怖的戰爭中去”，《華盛頓郵報》認為丘吉爾要聯合國配備一支武裝部隊的建議是“不合邏輯 的附加物”。3月8日，美國總統哈里·S·杜魯門和國務卿貝爾納斯舉行了記者招待會，否認美國政府和丘吉爾演說有任何關系，杜魯門說他未見過講稿，不知道演講稿的內容，并對此表示“迷惑”，貝爾納斯也推說他對演說內容毫不知情。1946年3月15日紐約街頭出現了反對丘吉爾的標語，在市政府大廈門前還有反對丘吉爾的群眾示威，群眾和前來鎮壓示威游行的警察發生沖突，二十多人被捕，副國務卿戴維·艾奇遜也借故不出席紐約市政府歡迎丘吉爾的晚宴。
針對丘吉爾的這篇演說內容，1946年3月13日蘇聯《真理報》就此發表了題為《丘吉爾玩弄刀槍挑起反蘇戰爭》的社論，約瑟夫·斯大林向記者發表談話時直言丘吉爾和他的美國朋友迷戀上了希特勒的“種族主義”，企圖讓英語民族統治世界，號召和蘇聯作戰，是在策劃戰爭，許多亞非國家也從不同的角度抨擊丘吉爾的這篇演說，世界輿論對英美不利。
影響與評價
影響
“鐵幕”一詞本是納粹戰犯約瑟夫·戈培爾首創，但被溫斯頓·丘吉爾搬用到這次演說中，此后“鐵幕”便成為了戰后國際關系中有關東西方對抗的專有名詞。整個共產主義陣營的國家被西方稱為“鐵幕”國家，戰后不久北大西洋公約組織、華沙條約組織的“美蘇冷戰”開始，丘吉爾的“鐵幕”演說影響達30年之久。鐵幕演說在第二次世界大戰后歷史中有重要的意義和作用，例如學者金重遠在《戰后世界史》中提出丘吉爾的“鐵幕演說”揭開了冷戰序幕，標志著戰時的盟友已成為彼此激烈競爭和對抗的對手。丘吉爾的這篇演說也被世人視為是“冷戰宣言”，因為在“鐵幕演說”發表后一年，1947年3月12日美國“杜魯門主義”出臺，標志著以美國為主的資本主義陣營，與蘇聯為主的社會主義陣營之間的冷戰正式開始。
評價
學者韓佳媛溫斯頓·丘吉爾的“鐵幕”演說是第二次世界大戰之后西方政界一位最有身份的人對蘇聯進行的最公開、最大膽的指責。
學者艾喜榮在《現實主義視角下的“鐵幕演說”文獻解析》一文中表明丘吉爾的“鐵幕演說"是一篇旨在反蘇、反共的演說，并由此拉開了美蘇冷戰的序幕。
學者滕淑娜在《試論二戰后艾德禮工黨政府的對美外交與“冷戰”的起源》中認為二戰后的英國衰落之勢不可避免，而蘇聯成為世界上最強大的陸上軍事強國，成為歐洲大陸無人能敵的大國。因蘇聯的強大英國認識到依靠自己和其它西歐國家的力量不能同蘇聯對抗，女王陛下政府便把目光放在了與自己屬于同一意識形態領域的美國身上，試圖尋求美國對世界事務承擔更多的義務，這時英國的外交策略是通過當時的在野黨領袖溫斯頓·丘吉爾的“鐵幕演說 ”來體現的。
相關爭議
丘吉爾的這篇“鐵幕演說”的“鐵幕”一詞也引起了不少人的討論，根據丘吉爾自己的回憶他首次接觸“鐵幕”一詞是他年少時在維多利亞式劇院里見到的防火裝置，后來約瑟夫·戈培爾又用它形容中國工農紅軍向歐洲的推進，而且丘吉爾用了一段時間仔細比較和推敲近似的表述，比如“帷幕（veil）”或“屏幕（screen）”等，一直到1945年8月16日的下議院公開使用了“鐵幕”一詞，這個詞正好刻畫出了戰后歐洲的圖景。而且劍橋大學國際史榮譽教授大衛·雷納茲（David Reynolds）認為溫斯頓·丘吉爾的這次演說其實傳達的核心信息是“和平”，不過最后還是成了美蘇冷戰的導火索，丘吉爾其實也要負責任，他在演說標題上的舉棋不定，演說原先的題目是《論世界事務》（World Affairs）這種大白話。只是在演說前一天他把標題改成了《和平砥柱》。媒體拿到的搶先版文本有不少都沒有用這個表述，一定程度上影響了報道的平衡性。
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